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Educational apartheid of HEC

By Viewpoint • 2013-10-03 • 4 min read

While Sindh is not as marginalized as Baluchistan, however, its position is secondary even to Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KPK), let alone Punjab

The case of Baluchistan:

In Punjab and Punjab-dominated mainstream media, Baloch grievances are often dismissed on familiar pretexts. One clichéd, clichéd because of its overuse, excuse is: Baloch Sardars impede development. However, every time one looks into structured discrimination Baluchistan is subjected to, one finds that it is not anti-development BalochSardars but ‘federation’ that impedes progress in Pakistan’s biggest province. A case in point is educational apartheid imposed by the Higher Education Commission (HEC) on Baluchistan in the realm of higher education.

Since its inception to date (Fy 2002-03 to 2012-13), the HEC has allocated 737 projects worth Rs 157102 million. Out of 737 projects, merely 48 projects worth Rs 9433 million were assigned to Baluchistan’s seven universities. Costs and number of projects awarded to these seven universities are as follows:

University of Baluchistan, Quetta: Rs 2135 m (16 projects), Baluchistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences: Rs 1008m (11 projects), Baluchistan University of Engineering and Technology, Khuzdar: Rs 284m (8 projects), SardarBahadur Khan Women University, Quetta: Rs 965m (6 projects), Lasbela University of Agriculture, Water and Marine Sciences (LUAWMS), Uthal: Rs 1943m (5 projects), University of Turbat: Rs 1580m (1 project), University of Loralai: Rs 1518m (1 project).

To dismiss these figures, an immediate chauvinistic argument would be the population size of Baluchistan. Since Punjab is huge in terms of its population, our critics would say, hence more projects and allocations for the Punjab.

This author will, therefore, not cite the number of projects HEC has assigned to the Punjab. Let us compare sector-wise allocations.   For instance, Baluchistan University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), Khuzdar has received Rs 284 m (8 projects) in ten years but Lahore’s University of Engineering and Technology was granted Rs 8361m (23 projects). Again, one may cite the size of UET, Lahore. However, even UET,Taxila was given preference over BUET, Khusdar. The former was granted Rs 110 m (20 projects).

Similarly, while LUAWMS was handed down peanuts, University of Arid Agriculture, Rawalpindi and University of Agriculture , Faisalabad were granted Rs 1815 (21 projects) and Rs 2647 (25 projects) respectively. Likewise, while Baluchistan’s only women university received Rs 965m, FJ Women University, Rawalpindi, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, and Women University, Multan were generously allotted Rs 879m (10 projects), Rs 847m (13 projects), and Rs 1144m (1 project) respectively. Even Kinnaird College was awarded two projects worth Rs 72m.

The apartheid Baluchistan is subjected to at HEC becomes even more evident when one compares the allocations for Islamabad. This comparison also nulls and voids the population argument.

For instance, two top beneficiaries of HEC largesse are NUST and COMSAT Institute of Information Technology. Both have been granted Rs 15205m (23 projects) and Rs 7373m (28 projects) respectively.

One may count number of other cases too cases where HEC does not take into account the size of a certain institution. Let us, therefore, not even buy this argument to discriminate Baluchistan. If anything, Baluchistan should be positively discriminated owing to the economic contribution it makes and the political situation in the province. No such luck, unfortunately. Hence, a colony-like status assigned to Baluchistan is reflected in HEC allocations.

The case of Sindh:

While Sindh is not as marginalized as Baluchistan, however, its position is secondary even to Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KPK), let alone Punjab. It seems the HEC priorities and allocation reflect the place of various provinces in the country’s power hierarchy. Over the years, KPK has emerged as Punjab’s junior partner in power structures. Hence, while KPK is HEC’s second priority, province wise, Sindh occupies a position only a notch above Baluchistan. During the financial years 2002-03 to 2012-13, HEC allocated 153 projects [worth over 23000 million] to Sindh out of 737. Here are the details:

There are 107 projects for KPK while almost 250 for the Punjab. The HEC tilt in favour of the Punjab and KPK can only be gauged rather realistically if one takes into account the grants HEC doles out to universities in the federal capital since Punjab and KPK, owing to geographical proximity, are more likely to benefit from the universities [save the University of Quaid-e-Azam with its quota system] built in Islamabad.

Discriminating in foreign scholarships:

This discrimination is obvious even when scholars are sent overseas on HEC scholarships for MAs/MPhils/PhDs. To its credit, the previous PPP government introduced a quota system to tilt the balance in the favour of smaller provinces. However, HEC bureaucracy knows many tricks to twist the procedures in favour of Punjab. Consequently, while56 percent Punjabis against 50 percent quota went abroad [if domicile politics is taken into account, Punjabi representation will be over 60 percent], only 3 percent Baluch [against 6% quota] and 14 percent from Sindhwent abroad on HEC grants. One wonders if there is a RAW mole operating HEC!

Report by Farooq Sulehria