Facts are Facts (Part 20)

Published in 1986, ‘Facts are Facts’ by the late Wali Khan was an instant hit. ‘Facts are Facts’ is an attempt to contest text book versions of Pakistan’s history. In a bid to generate debate, the Viewpoint is serializing this text

Mullahs and Khans:

The British operated on two levels. First they used physical force and, secondly, material resources to overturn the Khudai Khidmatgar Movement. They were confident of crushing the movement with Government machinery and brute force. They collected all their gophers, such as Sirs, Nawabs, Khan Bahadurs, Khan Sahibs, Jagirdars, even the Honorary Magistrates. Thousands of young men were thrown into prisons; children of the Khans were used as hired guns. The Khudai Khidmatgars got a rough deal: their children were left destitute, their homes were ransacked and the Haripur Prison became the graveyard for these God- fearing men. But their overwhelming sacrifices left the British with no choice other than to accord the Frontier a status of equality with the other states. When in keeping with the provisions of the 1935 Act, elections were held, the British saw all their hand picked men being defeated one by one, by the Khudai Khidmatgars. Although the Khudai Khidmatgars did not attain an absolute majority, out of the fifty Assembly seats they won nineteen. This election proved two points. First, there was no party as well organised as the Khudai Khidmatgars. Secondly, that their popularity was such that even British patronage could not guarantee victory. The most-astounding defeat was that of Nawab Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum. He lost his seat to Abdul Aziz Khan, a Khudai Khidmatgar from the village of Zaida. Nawab Sir Mohammad Akbar Khan of Hoti lost to a member of his own family, Khudai Khidmatgar Amir Mohammad Khan. Popularly known as Khan Lala, Arbab Sher Ali Khan of Tehkal, lost to Arbab Abdul Ghafoor of his own family. In Kohat. another pillar of the British, Khan Bahadur Kuli Khan was defeated by Mohammad Afzal Khan of Latamber. Among the members who defeated the Khudai Khidmatgars were three Nawabs, two Nawabzadas, two Khan Bahadurs, and four Khan Sahibs. Among the Hindus also there were four Rai Bahadurs and two Rai Sahibs. After the election when the British took stock of the situation they realized that no matter how strong the Nawabs, Khawaneen, Khan Bahadurs, Jagirdars and Zaildars were, unless they were politically organized, they were no match for the Khudai Khidmatgars. It was surprising that no matter how carefully the British picked their candidates, they could not make a collective impact upon the electorate. Another interesting fact was that the Muslim League did not exist in the Frontier. Therefore, the Assembly had no member from that party. Except the Khudai Khidmatgars, all other members had won as independents. The British knew that the Pakhtoons had two leaders: the spiritual and the temporal. Until now the British had only depended on their temporal leaders. They soon learnt that the Pakhtoons were proud and brave people who had not learnt to unite due to the proliferation of their feudal units. Individualism was more their style. Each small kingdom had its own elders. Khans, Mullahs and leaders. Unlike a typical feudal order, decisions were not made by the feudal lord but by national Jirgas. Since these leaders were subject to the will of the people, the British were afraid of approaching them. They were, therefore, advised to somehow get rid of the elders of old Pakhtoon families and create their own leadership. Having planted their own saplings, they could, later on rest in their shade. The advantage of creating such leadership would be their total dependence on the British. Since their entire wealth, name, status, would have been gifted by the British, they would not dare to show the slightest divergence from their path. Any indiscretion would mean the end of pomp, patronage and plenty. These men, carefully nurtured like hothouse plants, pre-fixed with titles which they neither earned nor deserved, were nourished on British left-overs. Their children had ready made jobs in the civil and armed services. The British had thus created a special class of people stamped with the seal "Approved by the Crown". They had special official influence, their recommendations were accepted, they were given Honorary Magistrate Status and they pronounced judgments, even on murder cases. They played with peoples' fate by pronouncing prison sentences, or ordering releases. The British preferred to present them as national leaders, disregarding the old families, or respectable elders who were the true representatives of the people.

Along with this policy, the British had decided to break up the collective life of the Pakhtoons, They had smashed the Pakhtoon nation, fragmenting it into tribal areas, agencies presenting a piece to Afghanistan, another to Baluchistan. In fact they got so carried away with their nation-butchery that they were unwilling to allow their self-created Nawabs and Khans to unify, their motive being to encourage dissension and enmity. The more they vied with one another for one-upmanship, the more easily they fell in the trap of British Imperialism. In their effort to prove their superior loyalties they tried to outdo one another in bowing and scraping before the British. For a short while this plan worked well. But when the Khudai Khidmatgar Movement began, the poor and the destitute found a forum at which they could be heard. At first the Government tried to suppress them, but after the election they realised that the tools they were using had their limitations. Although as individuals their faithful minions had a certain influence on their constituencies, unless they were prepared to work as a unified group, they could not take on a national movement. This fact became especially apparent when prime British candidates, Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan and Sir Mohammad Akbar Khan, were routed by modest individuals from the Yusuf Zai tribe. The British realised that the mutual rivalry they were encouraging among official title holders was proving harmful to their own cause.

The Indian experience taught the British that their purpose could only be fulfilled only if Islam was used to steer politics. The foundation of the Muslim League was laid in September 1937 at Abbottabad by the Mullahs. The event was presided over by Maulana Shakirullah of Naushera, the President of Jamiat-ul-Ulema. He became the first President of the Muslim League. The Secretary was Maulana Mohammad Shoab of Mardan, also the Secretary of the Jamiat-ul Ulema. It is a remarkable coincidence that the Ministry constituted in April 1937 under Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum, was dissolved due to a no-confidence motion, on exactly the same day on which the Muslim League was founded.

After a whole year had passed, despite his limited powers, Dr Khan Sahib made a few revolutionary reforms in the Province. This caused concern to the British and their flunkeys. These official title-holders became worried about their own political future. This provided a golden opportunity for the British to combat the national movement on both fronts. In September 1938 the leadership of the Muslim League changed hands from Maulana Shakirullah of Naushera to Khan Bahadur Saadullah Khan. The Muslim League thus came under the influence of Nawabs, Sirs, Honorary Magistrates etc. This became Britian's temporal defence against the Pakhtoons. Similarly, they organized a party consisting of Maulanas. Details of the above have been recorded in the diary of Sir George Cunningham. Like the Mughal Emperor, Akbar, the British had now organized their support on both religious and spiritual fronts.

(To be continued)
The book in PDF form can be accessed at: http://www.awaminationalparty.org/books/factsarefacts.pdf