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Pakistan's Chicago: 1978 massacre at Colony Textile Mills

By Aizaz Baqir • 2012-05-04 • 9 min read

According to official and newspapers reports, 14 workers were killed. Mussawat reported a total of 22 deaths. But unofficial estimates put the total number as high as 150-200

The Colony Textile Mills carnage was one of the most gruesome events in the trade union history of Multan. After the military coup of July 05, 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq took control of the government as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Since traders and industrialists were at the forefront of the anti-Bhutto movement (Tehreek-e-Nizam-e-Mustafa), they rightly expected a reversal of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s pro-worker nationalization policy. General Zia was more than eager to meet their expectations, returning factories and industrial/business units to their previous owners, who immediately reduced workers’ wages and benefits or fired them outright.

The 13000 workers of Colony Textile Mills -- today one of the country’s largest textile mills and currently generating assets of more than Rs. 7.0 billion -- felt insecure in this anti-worker environment. Since the toppling of Bhutto Government they had not received their end-of-the year-bonus. Workers learned, most probably through PPP leaders such as Mehmood Nawaz Babar of the National Students Federation and the now deceased advocate Zaheer Taj, that production and profits of the mill were higher than the previous year. Hence they were owed large bonus.

It may also be pertinent to note that Mughees A. Sheikh, the mill owner, had a cordial relationship with General Zia. One retired millworker told me that before Martial Law, when General Zia when was Corps Commander in Multan, he rented from none other than Mughees A. Sheikhr. Given the cordial relationship between them, the mill owner confidently ignored the workers’ demands.

According to the now defunct daily, Imorze, “workers were demanding a three months’ bonus along with one month’s recreational allowance.” Mill administration agreed to pay a two months’ bonus, which would be paid at the end of the January, but workers rejected the offer and stopped working on Dec. 29, 1977. (Jan. 3, 1978)

On January 2, 1978 talks were still going on. Representatives of the Labour Department, martial law authorities, and the local administration were trying to pressure the two parties to conclude a settlement. Mill Administration and the CBA [People’s Labour] Union had reached an agreement that workers would be paid two-and-quarter months’ bonus. The point of contention was over the payment of wages for the strike days. Administrators maintained that the strike was illegal and they would not pay for work not done. The workers not only insisted that no deductions be taken, but also refused to accept the mill administration’s offer of two-and-quarter month’s bonus (although some union leaders had agreed with the administration on two-and-quarter month’s bonus) and reiterated that the bonus should equal a full three months’ pay.

During the afternoon shift change representatives of the said labour union asked workers to gather on the mill’s premises for an informational meeting. Thus both shift workers were inside the mill, with most of the workers gathering near a mosque that was also near to the mill owner’s residence. The police assumed the mill owner might come under attack and ordered what they saw as an illegal gathering to immediately disperse.

Workers refused to oblige. At this point the situation spun out of control. For the second time police ordered the workers to disperse. Sheikh Rasheed, a mill administrator, arrived and demanded that the workers obey the police command. But the workers did not budge.

The police used their batons to force dispersal and the workers retaliated by throwing stones. Then the police opened fire on the unarmed workers. Five workers died on the spot; three more died in the hospital.

It is alleged that Sheikh Rasheed himself killed four workers. One worker told a reporter Talib Hussain’s story:

“Talib Hussain’s father was a close friend of Sheikh Rasheed. When Sheikh Rasheed was about to open fire on Talib Hussain, he called him Chacha (paternal uncle) and told him that his father was his (Sheikh Rasheed’s) friend. But Sheikh Rasheed didn’t care and opened fire without hesitation. Before dying Talib Hussain soaked his finger in his own blood and wrote his killer’s name on the nearby wall. The mill administration later on tried to remove the name, but in vain. When workers came to know about this they were furious and tried to take revenge, beating the killer furiously. However he managed to escape from the scene.”

The newspaper’s reporter gave the details of other gruesome incidents:

“While Talib Hussain was bleeding profusely and fighting against death, the police started chasing other workers and indulged in a killing spree. The workers tried to find some refuge nearby, but could not find any. So many workers were killed that the mill’s compound and walls remained bright red for many days to come. Talib Hussain was a beautiful young boy whose paternal grandfather lost his senses after hearing the news of his death. Another innocent and young victim was Karamat Ali (apprentice). He was not inside the premises at that time, but just passing by. When people told him what was happening inside the mill, he went to see for himself, ignoring the requests of his friends not to go. As he reached the gate, a bullet hit him too. However, as all the roads coming towards city had been blocked, he could not be sent to the nearest hospital in Muzzafar Garh (a small town near Multan), neither he could be given a first aid and, hence, died due to over bleeding before receiving any treatment.” (Jan. 04, 1978)

Imroze’s reporter also identified a person named Subedar Khan as also killing many workers.

As most of the workers were residing in the workers’ colony on the premises, their relatives and friends, including women, came out of their homes and entered the premises. The place looked like a battlefield. Chaos, confusion, fear, terror, and violence were rampant.

Pakistan’s Other Story, written by Lal Khan, presents an unofficial version of the events. The author writes:

“One of the most brutal, murderous acts of the Zia dictatorship was the massacre of the workers of the Colony Textile Mills in Multan in January 1978. The author was a participant in the struggle. A close friend and one of the most militant leaders of the workers in Multan, Muhammad Shafi, was martyred to this bestiality. There were thirteen thousand workers in the factory. After the reforms of 1969 and 1972, the workers used to receive annual bonuses in November or December every year, equal to about three months’ of their salary. The workers knew that in the year 1977 the production and profits of the mill were much higher than in the previous year, so they were expecting a higher bonus. But in July 1977, now that Bhutto had been overthrown and a military dictatorship imposed, the bosses used the Martial Law regime to deprive the workers of their rights.” (page 298)

Describing the background of the brutal massacre, Lal Khan writes:

“On January 02, 1978 the daughter of the owner of Colony Textile Mills, Mughees A. Sheikh was getting married. The mill owner was very close friend of General Zia who had flown in from Rawalpindi to attend the ceremony. This further aggravated the already tense situation. The news spread among the workers that the dowry being given to the daughter by the owner was worth at least ten times the bonus that was due for the 13000 workers of the mill. At almost midday the workers who were on a tool-down strike were going towards the factory’s main gate for their daily midday gate meeting. A rumour reached the ear of General Zia that the workers were coming to attack the wedding ceremony. Shaking with hatred and rage, the general stood up and contemptuously ordered the workers to be crushed, which was exactly what the agent provocateur and the bosses goons had wanted. The police, who had cordoned off the mills for three days, and the paramilitary forces of the state took up their positions and then all the hell broke loose.” (page 299)

According to official and newspapers reports/estimates, 13 or 14 workers were killed although the PPP’s ideological daily, Mussawat, reported a total of 22. (Jan. 06, 1978)

But unofficial estimates put the total number as high as 150-200. Lal Khan claims that “there were eighty bicycles standing in the factory stand, the workers who once rode them to work had gone forever, never to ride back to their homes in the shanty towns. Most workers thought that more than two hundred were killed. The workers action committee that had emerged during this struggle estimated that 133 were killed and more than 400 injured in this brutal wanton slaughter.” (page 300)

However some retired mill workers I interviewed in the bazaar adjacent to Colony Mills told me that 14 workers were killed. There are no verifiable figures as the incident happened during martial law and the press was under pressure from the military. Old activists from leftist parties in Multan -- such as Habibullah Shakir, Dr. Salamatullah, Asad Pitafi and Imran Saleem Hashmi -- agree with Lal Khan. Their claims are based on the assumption that most of the dead bodies were thrown into the huge factory gutter, while others were buried without coffins in nearby villages.

After the massacre, the mill owner announced a compensation package of Rs. 10,000 to the heirs of each worker killed.

To what extent was the military was involved? Neither the Imroze nor the Mussawat mentioned that the firing was ordered by any military officer or General Zia himself (as claimed by Mr. Lal Khan. In fact Imroze reported that General Zia was on an official visit abroad visiting Kuwait and Iran. ). (Jan., 03 and 04, 1978). Even the retired mill workers of the mills did not mention any wedding ceremony held on that fateful day. However, the military was involved in the incident from the day one. Martial law authorities were not only a party in the negotiations between workers and mill owners but they also were included in the enquiry committee that was formed after the incident.

During my visit to Colony Mills area on April 11, 2012 to interview eye witnesses, some people told me that the military also took control of the mills and adjacent areas to begin the investigation. Brigadier Ilyas was appointed to the enquiry committee. (Imroze, Jan. 10, 1978). The demand of the worker’s union -- to hold an open court trial to fix responsibility and punish the culprits -- was ignored. Moreover, according to Imroze, martial law authorities even did not include workers’ representatives on the committee. Afterward S.H.O Raja Khizer Hayat and police constable Hakim Ali were scapegoated (Jan. 02, 1979). Both were suspended and a year later arrested and tried in a military court (No 04) on charges of exceeding their authority and indiscriminate firing on the innocent workers of the mill.

It was also alleged that Mahmood Nawaz Khan Baber, then owner of the Baber Cinema in Multan and now a prominent industrialist, along with other PPP leaders, including Zaheer Taj, was trying to exploit the situation and spark a country-wide mass movement against the military government. However at the time Mahmood Nawaz Baber strongly condemned these allegations, as reported in Imroze (Jan. 09, 1978).

In fact the massacre did spark country wide protests and many trade unions observed Black Day on the 9th and 10th January, 1978. The event was widely condemned by many politicians including Wali Khan, Nawabzada Nasrullah, Professor Ghafoor, Asghar Khan and Nusrat Bhutto. They visited the bereaved families and provided some monetary help.

The writer is a freelance journalist and professional translator