Imran Khan’s politics of convenience has pushed him into a conflict of ideologies so whenever the secular graduate of Oxford awakes inside him the conservative patrons hush him up
It seems political pundits have nothing else on their minds lately but the prophecies pertaining to the latest spell of Imran Khan, who has ,in a way, stumped the very seasoned player of an old ‘league' of 'Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif while making it hard for him to hold ground. Now their predictions may vary depending on the brilliance of imagination and number of years spent in deconstructing Pakistani politics but one notion they all share despite their respective intellectual divergence, is the judgment on Imran's myopic political agenda for change. Imran's catch phrases like 'corruption' 'drone attacks' 'self-reliance' etc. are irksome to even those who, at heart, find it hard to find fault with him yet seem baffled and disappointed by the persona Imran has assumed for himself -an arbitrator between military and militant Taliban -owing to his crude political theorisation.The naivety and utopia doesn't let Khan ponder on the inconsistencies and perils owing to his unholy alliance with the military establishment and the right wing mindset. The rally at Lahore's Minar-e-Pakistan on 30thOctober, has considerably inflated the peculiar self-righteousness of Imran Khan while his indulgence into the rhetoric of revolution has consumed Khan so much that it is impossible for him to realise how he himself is becoming instrumental to the status quo he vehemently challenges. From the reportedly staged and low-key anti-drone dharnas to the significant demonstration of political power through mega rallies for political change, dubbed as tsunamis of people and attended by unprecedented crowds plus some heavyweights, Imran Khan seems to be the victim of his own device ie the appeal to the right wing sentiment and association with military. These two elements, plagued with controversy and conspiracy, keep attracting Imran’s detractors mainly from PPP and PMLN who have had a history of wheeling and dealing with both and know the art of political vilification far better than Imran.
But Imran Khan appears to be either overoptimistic or too oblivious of the challenges he may face in the Pakistani political arena that is why despite denying the allegations of supporting Taliban, it doesn’t bother him much if the pro-Taliban former ISI chief Hameed Gul had often been seen at Tehreek e Inssaf events or accompanying Imran. Similarly it is a folly on Imran Khan‘s part if he thinks that he could strike cord with his liberal followers as well as dodge the military establishment after asserting his resolve to rein in the army as a premiere of Pakistan and by declaring Kashmir a human rights issue instead of territorial dispute, in an interview given to the Indian anchor Karan Thapar. Imran also fails to recognize the fact that he sounds more vocal about the corruption of politicians but keeps mum over the accountability of military or intelligence agencies which are reportedly involved in enforced disappearances of many in Baluchistan and need to be implicated in debacles like PNS Mehran attack which revealed the existence of militant groups within the ranks of Pak army.
It is interesting to note that Imran’s statements regarding army and establishment have been toned down with the passage of time and there is a marked clemency in his criticism of the men in khakis since his genuine struggle against the “brute force of a military dictator ” Perwaiz Musharraf to the current dharna politics. Just a few months back he had feared a revolt in Pak army and expressed concern over the insiders’ involvement in PNS fiasco, but suddenly, thanks to his sudden political might -gradually acquired through a string of petty dharnas which culminated at PTI’s historic Lahore rally, Imran Khan started lecturing the people to stand by their ‘own‘ army which is a symbol of their sovereignty and his intimate encounter with the military leadership, at the APC held on 25th September reflected this ‘change’.
In fact Imran Khan’s gullibility is no justification of the potential threats his allies, like Sunni Tehrik or the hardliner Jamat e Islami, pose to the political and social spectrum of already radicalised Pakistan, therefore Imran and his Tehrek e Insaaf must think over their own agenda before pointing fingers to others. In other words they need to do their own homework in order to get rid of the title of ‘good looking Jamat e Islami’ if they are earnest in mobilizing their ‘tsunami of people’ for meaningful political action. This tsunami of people includes the same urban elite which had chanted Musharraf’s Sab se Pehle Pakistan (Pakistan First) slogan and then danced to the tunes of his made-in-Bollywood jukebox of Indo-Pak friendship, and now they are gearing up to join Imran’s anti-corruption bandwagon. Sooner or later they may shop for another revolution when get bored with their cyber activism. Then there is a chunk of middle class Jamati mentality which is now in a process of recycling and revival and trying to legitimize its jihadi activism in the garb of student politics. This group includes the lot from all Lashkars and Tablighi jamats and is often seen burning effigies in the anti-US demos. It’s the increasing presence of these radical fanatics at PTI rallies and meetings that has actually earned the party an Islamist label.
The evolving philosophy of PTI and Imran Khan’s strange association with Qazi Hussain Ahmad and Munawwar Hasan, shows he has given in to the influence of rightists after witnessing that any jingoistic or anti-US maneuver like Dr Afia Sidiqi, Raymond Davis or drone attacks stirs the national consciousness more than the terrorist attacks or human rights violation committed by the religious police. Though he has publicly condemned the brutal assassination of Salman Taseer and denounced the blasphemy law but can he rally his followers on these issues or at least distance himself from the sick devotees of Mumtaz Qadri i.e. Sunni Tehrik? Perhaps Khan answered to this when he told Karan Thapar that “There is no point in becoming a hero right now in this country where there is no rule of law”.
Imran Khan’s politics of convenience has pushed him into a conflict of ideologies so whenever the secular graduate of Oxford awakes inside him the conservative patrons hush him up. It becomes of little significance, if Imran Khan wants to woo the secular segments of society by merely sending Diwali or Christmas greetings when the ‘forces’ gathered around him, like Shah Mehmood Qureshi, openly brag about ‘demolishing the temples’ and defeating Hindus like Mehmood Ghazni. Shah Mehmod Qureshi made these remarks in a PTI rally held in Sindh where the recent target killings of two Hindu doctors had sparked anger and condemnation by political leaders including IK. It implies that either Shah Mehmod Qureshi has become very dominant at the outset of joining PTI or Imran Khan feels too subservient to the ideology Qureshi represents. Either way Imran is the one who seems to be losing his political ground due to the bargaining of winning horses. Once these horses are ready for the race they may run down anybody to win the game. Imran’s self-conceit fails to understand that, all those queuing up for PTI membership, are not lured by his charisma but their personal interest, thus no different than him.
The real agenda of change in Pakistan is actually the eradication of elements in society, particularly in the establishment, breeding extremism through Islamisation of social and political institutes and nurture fundamentalist ideologue as strategic assets who subsequently keep challenging these protectors of national security. Steering this kind of change, however, is, apparently not included in the master plan of those making Imran Khan and his plans.
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The author is a passive activist, blogger and aspiring film maker who writes to vent anguish and believes in art as a catalyst for change. Her cyber self can be followed at |
